Showing posts with label VietNam War. Show all posts
Showing posts with label VietNam War. Show all posts

Thursday, November 11, 2010

Veterans Day, 2010

by Dick Mac

Shortly after my fourteenth birthday, my mother and I were sitting in the living room watching the evening news. It's a rather vivid memory, because it was rare for my mother and I to be at home together at that hour. She was usually still at work and I was usually still outside.

I followed the news pretty rabidly in the 1970s. I always bought the morning Globe on my way to high school, I watched the news when I was near a television at news hour, and I talked about current events with anyone who was interested.

The national news during the early-1970s spent a lot of minutes covering the war in Vietnam. There would be amazing footage of reporters on the battlefields, and soldiers in action. Real-life stuff happening to real, live people. This was a war taking place on television, in America's living rooms.

Near the end of the war coverage, news broadcasts were showing a tally board, a scoreboard, if you will, of the number of Americans, allies and enemies killed. The numbers were staggering.

Everyone knew somebody or somebody's son, bother, nephew who was in the military. Some were in Vietnam, the Philippines, even in Europe (if they were lucky). Some had been drafted and some had volunteered. Irrespective of the method of enlistment, every young working-class man had to be prepared to be sent off to war.

As the news program this evening wound-down its war coverage and broke to commercial, my mother was visibly upset, emotional. She wasn't angry, she was very quiet, almost weepy. Then she said: "If this war is still going on when you're eighteen, we're leaving the country. I've already given my share when my brother, Richie, died in the war."

In the days, weeks, and months ahead, she would tell me about her research into emigrating to Australia or Iceland. ICELAND? Both of these countries were importing social service workers, and being a social worker from the inner city made my mother an attractive candidate. She explained that if she took one of these jobs, that the foreign government would pay for us to move. There were other countries interested in American talent, too; but Iceland and Australia were the only countries that would allow a foreign worker to bring children with them.

Eventually the conversations dwindled; but she always reminded me that she was keeping the option open. I didn't necessarily want to move to another country, and I didn't necessarily want to avoid the military; although I had no interest in going to Vietnam. My father had had a desk job in the Army, and I figured I would probably get the same kind of position, if I ended-up there.

In the big picture, though, it was my mother's concerns about the war that were important, not mine; because she was the parent and I would do whatever was decided.

In reality, the war in Vietnam ended before my 18th birthday, and the draft had ended long before that; so, I wasn't going to Vietnam. Chances were I wasn't going to enlist in the military, either. The entire discussion was off-the-table and out of my mind.

In the late 1970s, I began to meet men who had served in the military during Vietnam. Most of them had no choice as they had been drafted, and a lot of them had gone to Vietnam.

The stories of three men in particular remain as clear as the day I heard them. All three of them were gay men who had come-out after returning home. They had returned to a different country, a place where they no longer had to hide their homosexuality. Two of the men did not like to talk about details of their experience in Vietnam, but talked about military life in general, the living conditions in Vietnam, the ease with which he could find drugs, sex and venereal disease, all of the cultural aspects of their experiences in Vietnam. Never, though, did they want to talk about battles or death or life-long friends they'd made and no longer knew how to find. Except for Ken.

Somehow, Ken had come to terms with the horrors he had experienced and although he did not brag about, nor initiate conversations about his time in Vietnam, he was candid about his experiences. The dynamic that always intrigued him the most was that the locals who worked all day with him, who were paid by the military, and who enjoyed the privileges that came with their jobs, were the exact same people who were trying to kill him when the sun went down.

He talked about seeing death and losing friends. He talked about the relief of coming home and leaving it all behind him. He talked about being uncomfortable at VFW events because the culture there was nothing like the culture of war where everyone stuck together and you relied on each other to stay alive. He felt shunned by the VFW and unwelcome at their events. He talked about how there were no black vets in the white posts and no white vets in the black posts. The homophobic remarks were a constant at VFW posts; but nowhere in Vietnam did he hear people denigrate each other because of their race, or heritage, or sexual orientation.

Ken never thought his sexuality played any role in his relationships in the military. Some of his buddies knew he was queer and some didn't. It wasn't an issue. These were Americans fighting a war as fellow soldiers, and the only other American who was feared and suspect, Ken explained, was a coward, a person on whom you could not rely, no matter his race, heritage, or sexuality.

Back home, though, Ken found himself unwelcome not by the general citizenry (which is the story I heard most from Vietnam vets); he found himself unwelcome by other vets. He made peace with it, he didn't make a big issue of it; but, it meant something to him that he had served his country in a horrific war and the only people who didn't really welcome him back home were his fellow veterans.

This is a dirty secret of homosexuality and the military that I never hear discussed: the treatment of gay veterans by other veterans. We talk about the inequity of Don't Ask Don't Tell as we should; but we never hear about how gay vets have been treated when they got home.

Ken died of AIDS in the early-nineties. He was one of the scores of men I knew in the seventies who were wiped-out in the plague during the 80s and 90s.

Ken was smart, and funny, and adventurous, and social, and he appreciated life. He was proud of his service to America even though it wasn't a hot topic of conversation in social circles.

And every year on Veteran's Day, I think of Ken: a queer who went to war at the behest of his government, served proudly, and lived to tell about it.

It's time to repeal Don't Ask Don't Tell, a law passed by people who never went to war. A law that disparages and discriminates against tax-paying, law-abiding Americans who only want to serve their country.

Remember to thank a veteran today.





Tuesday, May 04, 2010

The Military Cannot Do The Job Of Law Enforcement

by Dick Mac

When law enforcement agencies are allowed to do their jobs, they often succeed.

We've seen over the past few years that attempts by criminals to wreck havoc and terror on the citizenry can be avoided when the investigation is left to law enforcement.

Terrorist attacks in Europe and the United States have been thwarted and/or quickly resolved because the military has been kept out of the way.

In the years immediately following the crimes of September 11, 2001, the United States president funnelled huge amounts of money to military contractors and created a new huge government agency to protect Americans. Both of these tactics have been a failure and massive waste of money. Still, the FBI and local law enforcement agencies have done what they do best: investigate crime and enforce the law.

Forty years ago today, elected officials decided to use the military, instead of local law enforcement agencies, to police a demonstration by college students protesting the war in Vietnam, generally, and the invasion of Cambodia, specifically.

From coast-to-coast, American citizens had been expressing dismay with the war, and as American casualties increased, the protests became larger.

I lived a block from Boston State Teachers College, and students there held a number of demonstrations against the war over the years, and the police successfully managed the protests. Even when students took-over the administration building, the police managed to maintain order and bring the protest to a peaceful end.

Police coast-to-coast managed anti-war demonstrations. There was the occasional flare-up, and there were times when police and/or demonstrators got out-of-hand. Crimes were committed, riots were provoked, but generally, anti-war demonstrations were protected events that ended peacefully.

That is what the police are supposed to do: maintain order.

This is not the role of the military. Nowhere in history or in the world is the day-to-day maintenance of order the job of the military. A nations that uses its military to maintain day-to-day order is generally not a free state, is often called a fascist state, and usually does not enjoy any law and order.

Up until this day (May 4, 1970) forty years ago, there was a real split between pro-war and anti-war that seemed almost equally divided.

On May 1, 1970, students at Kent State University held a demonstration to protest the invasion of Cambodia during lunch. Another demonstration was planned for May 4th.

The military proceeded to the campus to prevent the demonstration from happening.

As the protest was broken-up and the protesters dispersed, tensions continued to rise. The National Guard made a series of maneuvers and as the event became violent, things went poorly.

What transpired is still debated. One thing that is not debated is the deaths of four students, some of whom were passersby, not demonstrators.

The National Guard say a sniper opened fire on them. I don't know anybody who ever believed that. I don't remember that statement having any credibility in the national discourse that followed. Even one of my uncles who was totally pro-war expressed anger and outrage about the event, generally blaming the protesters, but dismissing the notion that a sniper shot on the military.

After the incident, the nation's attitude became increasingly anti-war. People who had been supporters of the war and critics of the demonstrators were disgusted by the site of American soldiers opening fire on American students.

The shootings at Kent State were one of those events that changed the world.

When law enforcement agencies are left to do the work of law enforcement, we stand a better chance of justice and liberty being maintained. When we try to perform law enforcement tasks with the military, things always go poorly.

Kent State shootings at Wikipedia





Monday, May 03, 2010

Ohio

by Dick Mac

As the fortieth anniversary of the killings at Kent State approaches, I post this footage of an older and chubbier Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young performing their song "Ohio."

I am not a fan of CSNY, but this song holds a place in the history of popular music that cannot be diminished or ignored.

This concert was held March 30, 2000, at the Air Canada Centre in Toronto.

It will be interesting to see how Fox News re-writes this dark moment in American history.








Monday, January 12, 2009

Fighting Words: From Cold War to Culture War in the Age of Irony

by Al Falafel



The War in Iraq is officially OVER!

As reported by the Daily Beast and elsewhere, the Iraq war ended unceremoniously with the expiration of authority Congress spinelessly granted Bush in 2002 permitting him to use force against that country. Bush did not bother to ask for renewal of the mandate so it expired at the stroke of midnight on December 31st, 2008.

It has been six years since the infamous lie of "Mission Accomplished." With this latest definitive news how about we just let it end now?

Please.

The war is over, Bush is done. Let us not allow our very lame duck ex to enlist us emotionally in any kind of Middle East "Cold War" as he is wont to do. 

As the swan song of his disastrous Presidency - and totally true to form - Bush has signed the "Status of Forces Agreement" (SOFA) with the Iraqi government in blatant defiance of the US Constitution.

Isn't that just SOFA-King Bush-like?

It is imperative, lest we repeat the mistakes of the past, that We the People now do all we can to resist buying into the language of a new "Cold War" between us and an imaginary enemy from the Arab world who also exists among us at home. 

History tells us that going along with such a concept can only derail the burgeoning movement away from the Bush-era war obsession and engender a long-term festering of a belligerent national attitude that will consume us, both domestically and in our international relations.

It happened once already - after the end of World War II with the unprecedented selling of the cold war concept which we adopted, hook, line and sinker. 

In no small measure, our wholesale buying into the first cold war is what eventually enabled the poisonous "Culture War" that has been ripping at the spiritual fabric of our nation in recent years. With hopes running high on the eve of President Obama's inauguration, our future is still very much threatened by such underlying reactionary forces.


I believe we can do a lot to nip a new cold war in the bud by simply refusing to adopt any such language, no matter how fitting it may seem. 

Even if they cannot keep the Iraq war going for a hundred years as they had hoped, the cold war concept will be meted out to us in some form by those right wing hawks and politicos newly in retreat. Now more than ever, they only stand to profit by exploiting such internecine conflicts in our hearts and minds -- if we let them.

If we can keep that from happening, however, we would also very likely see a de-escalation in the current "Culture War" raging in the minds of many today.

Consider history.


By all accounts it was Herbert Bayard Swope (1882-1958) who coined the concise term "Cold War" to sum up the relationship between the world's two emergent superpower nations following WWII in 1947. Immediately, this deceptively simplistic concatenation was absorbed into the American vernacular. Its endurance to this day stands as a testament to Swope's mastery of his craft, which had also earned him earlier distinction as the first recipient of the Pulitzer Prize for reporting (1917). It is hard to imagine a more succinct, emblematic and readily fathomable summation of America's deep trepidation about the M.A.D. standoff that had quickly developed between rival nuclear powers, the USSR and us.

When Swope, a war corespondent and political speechwriter, first stuck the word "cold" (frosty, frigid, inhospitable, cold-blooded, unsympathetic), together with the word "war" (conflict, strife, bloodshed, hostility, combat), he could hardly have known how durable his neologistic invention would prove to be.

Nor how potently malignant would be the mind frame he induced with it into the 20th Century American psyche, impressionable as it was.

As with most known carcinogens, the deleterious effects of this advancing linguistic tumor would remain undetected for decades as life went on as usual.

Even at the end of World War II, when the US Department of War was officially abolished in favor of the new improved Dept. of Defense, We the People continued to indulge in the usage of the all-too-convenient oxymoronic "cold war" as part of our casual discourse ("melts in your mouth; not in your hand")

The "Age of Irony" having not yet arrived, we had little means of appreciation for what the concept of a cold war meant... nor for how much it mattered.

What did it hurt?

It was just two little words, a nifty turn of phrase: just words really... that hit the nail right on the head, it seemed ("builds strong bodies in 12 ways"). So what if  hostilities had cooled down and treaties were signed? So what if we still sucked up and regurgitated this bit of militaristic jingoism after the end of the real war? 

There is no denying that we were being force-fed this cold war guck through the news in print, heard over the radio waves and, not insignificantly, experienced in a new dimension through the innovative medium of broadcast television. It was just too convenient a short hand slogan, going hand in hand with other catch phrases of the time like "baby boom" and "truth, justice, and the American way."  

Sure, you could "See the USA in your Chevrolet," but this "cold war" phrase was more than a misnomer. It was a lie, actually, that we, as a nation, bought into part and parcel with that conglomerate of terms that branded our postwar identity. 

Whatever the mood, temperature or climate, the truth is that WWII really was over when it was over. If we had known where it would lead us, the cold war may have ended as well, before it ever got started.

"A little dab will do ya..."

Like all wars before it, World War II had a beginning and it did have an end.

We have never, in fact, experienced a real war that did not have an end. Even World War I - the so-called "War to End All Wars" - had been given its last rites at Versailles in 1919. Maybe we were so chastened by that gross overestimation that it would be too embarrassing not to remain on a war footing long after. 

But in the case of WWII, the shooting stopped in 1945. The bombing had stopped. Troop movements and strategic battle planning ceased at last when the US wiped two Pacific Islands off the map that year.


The nationalistic feelings whipped up during WWII were like nothing seen on this continent since the American Civil War. Exploiting those intensities was obviously irresistable to the red-baiting McCarthy-era hawks. To their misfortune and to our temporary relief, however, they pushed too hard too fast - tipping their hand too early in the game and losing big.

It is understandable, after what the world went through during those horrible years from 1939 to 1945, that the powers who brought a close to such a planetary nightmare may have felt the need to distract the public while they stayed on guard in case the truce among nations failed to hold. It is even forgivable that the gullible public, the millions of Americans who had suffered so many personal losses during the war, would still feel the need to fortify themselves, emotionally, against any chance that it could happen again while basking in the glory of being part of the alliance that had saved the world.

Keeping the war alive in our minds kept our lost loved-ones alive but that is just one effect of the complex mental conditioning that redefined our world from top to bottom. Another is the unprecedented American internalization of war, driven so deep into our imagination that it was hard for a long long time to have another actual war in the traditional sense.

Any military actions we engaged in during the cold war were called maneuvers, skirmishes or "peace-keeping missions." It was a "police action" in Korea and a "conflict" in Vietnam. We invaded Grenada and intervened in Kosovo but never officially engaged in war. 

There was also that long, drawn-out hostage crisis in Iran. 

All of these bloody involvements could have easily turned into wars, and in other times probably would have. But the word "war" was cautiously never applied in any official reference to those bloody crises. 

Our political leaders often went to great lengths, in fact, to deny that there was anything warlike about dropping bombs, shooting up villages and getting up to more than a million of our own troops slaughtered and leaving even more of them maimed and shell-shocked in the process. It was as if war had been removed exclusively from our real world experience into the realm of imagination. It could not exist in two places at once.  

The napalm that laid waste to Vietnamese jungles and burned many people alive was most definitely hot but by then we had been led to believe that war could only be cold. The only real war was the one smoldering in our hearts. 

Maybe we were reserving the label "war" for that inevitable conflict with our number one rival on the planet and every other act of armed aggression was considered a prelude to that feared eventuality. Or perhaps other conflicts just did not merit such an estimable reference, no matter how many of our young people and foreigners were killed in the fighting.


The cold war hawks did shoot themselves in the foot early on with their outrageous commie witch-hunts as the 1950s came to a close. Unfortunately, however, there was no disciplined alternative to their extremism. 


What emerged in that cultural vacuum was the 1960s "flower child" era soaked in the drunkeness of our sudden liberation from those out-moded mindsets, hyper-powered by the new phenomenon of recreational drugs. The Peace Movement was quickly subsumed into that giddy experimental culture, thanks to our escalating involvement in Vietnam's civil war and, moreover, by the concurrent existence of a military draft in the US.

Against this backdrop, it was the effort of a well-intentioned Democratic President who gave the still subdued movement toward the coming "Culture War" an inadvertent boost. At the height of the Vietnam folly that had once again given war a deservedly bad name, Lyndon B. Johnson announced his "Great Society" program, a large scale campaign to address the inequities of race and class in the United States: a noble undertaking indeed.


In an unfortunate linguistic miscalculation, LBJ chose to invoke the language of war in order to distract attention from Vietnam while instilling a sense of urgency and generate headlines for his effort to eradicate the injustices due to poverty. 

Notably, Johnson's "War on Poverty" was the first in a progression of instances when our national leaders would apply the three-letter word to any large-scale non-militaristic social policy.

Too bad Johnson could not have made his analogy to something more humanitarian, like an urgent reclamation effort to clean up after a devastating natural disaster: an earthquake or flood, for example. At best an incomplete analogy it was the first war declared by this nation that did not indicate an actual enemy. Decidedly avoiding any call to "spread the wealth around" Johnson's war on poverty was not a war on the rich. The war on poverty was the first war on an fundamentally abstract human condition.

It was not without its successes, among them ushering in at last, the golden age of irony. 

With a deadly and expensive conflict raging in Vietnam, where we butted against a proxy for our Super Power enemy, we were asked to buy into a more palatable idea of a war at home with no enemy at all. 

Later, in 1971, an embattled Richard Nixon would put his own spin on the idea of conceptual war turning it against something more frightening than poverty to middle class Americans - the "war on drugs." This was seen as based in a moral judgment against the deviant hippie drug culture as much as against the supplier cartels of South America.

By 1979, Vietnam was remembered as a tragic mistake but Jimmy Carter would make an even worse miscalculation than his Democratic predecessor Johnson had by urging us to adopt the "moral equivalent of war" during the energy crisis: explicitly linking morality and nationalistic pride, still in the absence of any named enemy (Ironically, a few months after Carter's speech, Iran stepped up to claim the title of enemy by taking 52 Americans hostage just months after the "moral equivalency" speech and held them long enough to doom Carter's re-election bid).

By then, the idea of war as a concept rather than reality had taken root so deep in the American psyche that we had grown much more accustomed to it than we were to any real war. But some of us had also become frustrated being constantly ready to do battle but lacking any real enemy. 


The only step left, then, to set the stage for a "Culture War" with a real home-grown enemy was to regain political power and credibility in a well organized campaign that would exploit the existing inclination to engage in conceptual warfare.

Finally they could name an enemy - something they had not dared since pinpointing commies back in the 50s. Lavender became the new Red as queers and their sympathizers would draw the bulk of fire in this culture war. And now they could label it a "war" outright. No more need to disguise their intense loathing of this detestable bunch of deviants. After all, their very existence threatens to destroy the fundamental building block of society, according to the movement's propaganda. 

By 1992 the reactionary Republican right had found religion big time and on drummed up fear and hatred toward marriage-seeking homos, they won back power after a 40 year exile, taking over both houses of Congress on the strength of their subversive "Contract on America" 

With 9/11 and a new Republican President squarely aligned with the cause, The Age of Irony was over and all Hell was let loose.

With the installment of a Republican President hell-bent on restoring war as a ruinous reality on the world stage we would eventually come to realize more than ever the horrific effects of sustaining battles on multiple fronts, both real and imaginary.
 
In the waning days of this calamitous administration, with the reactionary forces who would thrust us into a new cold war defeated, we are apparently fortunate enough to have a great deal more discipline than we did heading into the 1960s. 

With a bit of luck and determined caution against repeating our linguistic mistakes along with other errors from history, we have a much better chance today to finally dispel the notion of perpetual war - beginning with how we talk about it.

With a bit of luck and determined caution against repeating our linguistic mistakes along with other errors from history, we have a much better chance today to finally dispel the notion of perpetual war - beginning with how we talk about it.


Here's one more thing you can do - totally symbolic if you are into this sort of thing: take Yoko up on her invitation in memory of John: take the vow of non-violence at the Alliance for a New Humanity Website. It doesn't cost a dime and it only takes a few seconds.

"You'll wonder where the culture war went when you brush off Bush as President."

Monday, May 28, 2007

Memorial Day, 2007

So many people have died. The older I get the longer the list.

I lost an uncle in World War II. I am named for him.

A number of young men in my neighborhood died in VietNam.

My granparents are dead. My parents are dead.

I've buried more than one best friend.

Almost everyone I knew in 1976 is dead.

I don't know anyone who has died in Iraq. But I do have one friend there about whom I worry. I pray that he comes home safely. I don't want to remember him on Memorial Day. I want to have burgers and soda with him at his father's home, on a hot Summer day next year, around the pool, laughing and telling stories.

I ran a search of the word "memory" against my digital music library. These were the results:

Memory Of A Free Festival Part 1 - David Bowie
Memory Of A Free Festival Part 2 - David Bowie
Painted From A Memory - Elvis Costello & Burt Bacharach
The Memory Of Trees - Enya
Through The Memory Of My Mind - Freda Payne
Time, Motion, And Memory - John Young
Memory Of A Free Festival - David Bowie
You Can't Put Your Arms Around A Memory - Johnny Thunders
Ain't Your Memory Got No Pride At All - Ray Charles
Memory Motel - Rolling Stones
You Can't Put Your Arms Around A Memory - Ronnie Spector
Set Adrift On Memory Bliss - Backstreet Boys
Thanks For The Memory - Sarah Vaughan
No Memory Stone - Temple Pilots
Only A Memory - Smithereens
The Sun Machine (Memory Of A Free Festival) - Mercury Rev

Sixteen songs (out of 17,764) is not very many. Do people not write songs with the word "memory" in the title?

Irrespective of that, I have many memories. I am grateful for them all.

Just before Veterans Day 2003, I posted on the internet that it was OK to thank a serviceman or -woman. I wrote:
Tuesday is Veteran's Day. Irrespective of your position on war and peace, please be sure to thank a veteran for risking everything to keep us safe. Some people who are veterans had no choice. Some of them became heroes they never wanted to be. It's OK to say thank you. Are you grateful that people have gone to war to defend freedom? Are you angry when people are sent to war for profiteering, without really protecting our freedom?

I think of that statement each Memorial Day and Veterans Day.

Have you thanked a veteran or serviceman recently?

Remember: they work hard to keep us safe, they risk everything . . . everything (no matter what you think of the war).

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